Congressional Votes

Would authorize additional aid to Ukraine, including up to $8 billion for military assistance via loans, and impose penalties for Russia.

Would direct the U.S. president to end the war in Iran unless Congress explicitly declares war.

Would direct the U.S. president to end the war in Iran unless Congress explicitly declares war.

Would preserve $12 billion in bilateral economic assistance for the United States African Development Foundation.

Would eliminate $315 million in federal funding for the National Endowment for Democracy and $2.2 billion for other democracy programs.

Prevents military action within or against Venezuela without a congressional declaration of war.

Directs the U.S. secretary of state to deepen America's entanglement in the "Quad," including by creating a Quad Inter-Parliamentary Working Group.

Reduces funding levels for the U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID).

Disapproves of President Biden's plan to cancel $4.65 billion in Ukrainian debt.

Prohibits funding in the bill from being used for USAID.

Prohibits funds in the bill from going to Ukraine.

Provides a total of $95.3 billion in "emergency" aid for Ukraine, Israel, and Taiwan.

Provides $60.8 billion for security assistance to Ukraine and replenishing stockpiles of military equipment already provided to Ukraine.

Under the U.S. Constitution, the power to declare war belongs to Congress, and the United States should follow a policy of noninterventionism, minding its own business in foreign affairs.

The deployment of U.S. forces to Niger was not specifically authorized by Congress, and under the Constitution only Congress has the power to declare war.

Recognizes that the North Atlantic Treaty "does not supersede the constitutional requirement that Congress declare war."

Prohibits the use of federal funds to provide security assistance to Ukraine.

Repeals the unconstitutional 2001 Authorization for Use of Military Force.

Directs the president to remove U.S. armed forces from Syria within 180 days of the adoption of the resolution.

Under the U.S. Constitution, only the Congress may declare war.

NATO is based on the principle of collective security, as opposed to each country acting in its own best interests. Under Article 5 of the North Atlantic Treaty, "The Parties agree that an armed attack against one or more of them … shall be considered an attack against them all and consequently they agree that, if such an armed attack occurs, each of them … will assist the Party or Parties so attacked." The expansion of this entangling military alliance, which was comprised of just 12 members at the time of its founding, increases the likelihood of the United States being drawn into a military conflict.

Would offset the cost of S. 3373 by prohibiting USAID from distributing foreign-aid funds, other than to Israel, for 10 years.

Expresses support for Sweden and Finland joining NATO and calls on NATO member states to formally support the countries' accession.

According to the U.S. Constitution, only Congress has the authority to declare war. It is long past time to bring the troops home from Syria, especially considering that Congress never issued a declaration of war in relation to the country.

Unconstitutionally spends $40.1 billion in aid to Ukraine.

Unconstitutionally spends $40.1 billion in aid to Ukraine.

The United States should stay clear of entangling alliances such as NATO, but also because NATO obligates the United States to go to war if any member of NATO is attacked. Specifically, under the North Atlantic Treaty that established NATO in 1949, member nations "agree that an armed attack against one or more of them … shall be considered an attack against them all." This agreement undermines the provision in the U.S. Constitution that assigns to Congress the power to declare war. There are now 30 countries in NATO, and an attack on any one of them could pull the United States into a war that neither Congress nor the American people want.

Spends $62.2 billion on the State Department and other foreign-affairs matters. Loaded with foreign aid and climate-change provisions.

Establishes a counterterrorism program in North and West Africa, dragging the U.S. into an unconstitutional, entangling alliance.

Requires the president to take actions promoting U.S. integration in globalist, UN-tied health programs.

Repeals the 2002 Authorization for Use of Military Force Against Iraq, which unconstitutionally abdicated Congress's war powers.

We oppose. The act includes spending not only for legitimate national defense, but also for military interventionism in foreign lands that does not make America safer. Also, the legislation undercuts the president's legitimate authority as commander-in-chief by restricting his ability to withdraw troops from Afghanistan, Germany, and South Korea.

We oppose. The act includes spending not only for legitimate national defense, but also for military interventionism in foreign lands that does not make America safer. Also, the legislation undercuts the president's legitimate authority as commander-in-chief by restricting his ability to withdraw troops from Afghanistan, Germany, and South Korea.

We oppose the Senate's decision to table Senator Paul's amendment. It is long past time to bring the troops home. The AUMF that the amendment would repeal has been used broadly by presidents to send troops into foreign conflicts, despite the fact that under the Constitution only Congress may declare war.

We support. According to the U.S. Constitution, only Congress may declare war. It is unfortunate that Congress has to pass a resolution enforcing this, but doing so puts a check on the war powers assumed by recent presidents.

We support. According to the U.S. Constitution, only Congress may declare war. It is unfortunate that Congress has to pass a resolution enforcing this, but doing so puts a check on the war powers assumed by recent presidents.

We oppose. Congress is not authorized by the Constitution to surrender our national sovereignty to any transnational regional government, including the nascent North American Union.

Contains the most dangerous provisions of NAFTA and the TPP. It will lead to a North American regional government similar to the European Union.

We oppose. The United States should stay out of entangling alliances like NATO. Also, the NATO provision that obligates the United States to go to war if any NATO member is attacked undermines the U.S. Constitution's assignment to Congress the power to declare war.

We support Senator Udall's amendment. Hostilities conducted against a sovereign nation — in this case Iran — constitute an act of war and, thus, constitutionally requires a declaration of war by Congress.

We support Senator Rand Paul's amendment and oppose the Senate's vote to kill it. Nowhere in the Constitution is Congress authorized to fund the foreign aid funding that Paul sought to eliminate, and which had nothing to do with border appropriations. These types of programs should be handled privately, not with U.S. taxpayers' money.

Would prohibit the use of federal funds for withdrawal from the Paris Agreement. Fulfilling the agreement would stifle U.S. economy without impacting on alleged man-made global warming.

We support. Congress is vested with the power to declare war, and it has not authorized any intervention or war in Yemen. Nor should Congress do so since the civil war in Yemen does not threaten the U.S.

We support. Congress has the power to declare war, and it has not authorized any intervention or war in Yemen. Nor should Congress do so since the civil war in Yemen does not threaten the U.S.

To advance Senate Joint Res. 54, which would remove U.S. Armed Forces from "hostilities" in Yemen that have "not been authorized by Congress."

To reaffirm the U.S. commitment to NATO.

To uphold the right to due process for U.S. citizens and permanent residents on American soil.

Haspel was complicit in the use of torture, including waterboarding, a violation of U.S. law as well as the U.S. Constitution's Eighth Amendment prohibition against "cruel and unusual punishments."

Would remove U.S. Armed Forces from "hostilities" in Yemen that have "not been authorized by Congress."

Would authorize $3.29 billion in foreign aid to the World Bank International Development Association.

To repeal, six months after the bill's enactment, the 2001 Authorization for the Use of Military Force (AUMF).

Prohibits the use of federal funds for making contributions to various UN human rights agencies.

Would establish new sanctions and expand certain existing sanctions on Russian, Iran, and North Korea.

"[S]olemnly reaffirms" the U.S. commitment to NATO based on principle of "collective defense."

Would impose new sanctions on Iran and Russia, and codify sanctions imposed by the Obama administration on Russia.

To "affirm" that the U.S. remains "fully committed" to NATO.

The United States should not interject itself in foreign conflicts such as the civil war in Yemen (via arms sales to one of the combatants in that conflict — Saudi Arabia), and should not take steps tantamount to going to war without a declaration of war by Congress.

The United States should stay clear of entangling alliances such as NATO. Moreover, NATO also obligates that the United States go to war if any member of NATO is attacked, which undermines the provision in the U.S. Constitution that assigns to Congress the power to declare war. Montenegro, which was part of communist Yugoslavia during the Cold War era, is now one of 28 countries the United States is obligated to defend under NATO.

This bill expands the "War on Terror" to include the fictitious and non-existent threat of "agro-terrorism" in the American homeland, thereby further interjecting the U.S. government into the agriculture sector, despite the absence of any constitutional power to manage this or any other sector of the American economy.

The authorizations in this bill go way beyond providing for our national defense. Our foreign military interventions in the Middle East in particular have exacerbated terrorism and undermined U.S. security. The creation of the Orwellian "Global Engagement Center," which was added to the NDAA without Congress being able to vote on it as a stand-alone bill, also falls outside the scope of legitimate national defense. Rather than agreeing to the version of NDAA they did, our lawmakers should have rejected it and passed instead a constitutionally sound version.

The authorizations in this bill go way beyond providing for our national defense. Our foreign military interventions in the Middle East in particular have exacerbated terrorism and undermined U.S. security. The creation of the Orwellian "Global Engagement Center," which was added to the NDAA without Congress being able to vote on it as a stand-alone bill, also falls outside the scope of legitimate national defense. Rather than agreeing to the version of NDAA they did, our lawmakers should have rejected it and passed instead a constitutionally sound version.

The United States should not interject itself in foreign conflicts such as the civil war in Yemen, and should not take steps tantamount to going to war without congressional debate and a declaration of war by Congress.

Prohibits the use of funds in the bill for the Syria Train and Equip Program.

Presidents have been able to claim broad authority to go to war whenever or wherever they choose under the AUMF, despite the fact that the Founding Fathers never intended for one man to make this decision, and under the Constitution only Congress may "declare war."

U.S. foreign aid is unconstitutional, and aid sent to Pakistan has undermined rather than helped the cause of freedom.

Prohibits the use of funds for President Obama's executive orders that require the Defense Department to meet "green" energy mandates.

Presidents have been able to claim broad authority to go to war whenever or wherever they choose under the AUMF, despite the fact that the Founding Fathers never intended for one man to make this decision, and under the Constitution only Congress may "declare war."

Feeding the world is not a proper responsibility of the U.S. government. Nowhere in the U.S. Constitution is there any authorization for the federal government to feed the American people, let alone citizens of other countries. Furthermore, offering "aid" to impoverished countries is often a means to prop up dictators who will bend to the will of the wealthy country in exchange for money. Such corrupt rulers have little regard for the welfare of their people, so the "aid" rarely finds its way to the people who need it most.

TPA would facilitate the subordination of the national independence of the United States to regional blocs of nations in a process that is leading toward a world government.

TPA would facilitate the subordination of the national independence of the United States to regional blocs of nations in a process that is leading toward a world government.

Any form of torture is a violation of a person's God-given rights, regardless of whether or not the person is a U.S. citizen. In fact, the Eighth Amendment to the U.S. Constitution prohibits "cruel and unusual punishment." The U.S. government is not above the rule of law, and any government agency or agent must be held accountable to a standard that respects human rights and dignity.

Arming foreign fighters would be an act of war, and under the U.S. Constitution, only Congress may declare war. Moreover, our interventionist policy in the Middle East has exacerbated terrorism. In Syria, for example, arming the so-called moderate rebels helped create the ISIS threat. And regarding Iraq, arms sent to the Kurdish Regional Government (KRG) could also fall into the hands of the rival Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK), a communist terrorist group dedicated to the creation of a Marxist-Leninist state of Kurdistan. The KRG is divided between the more conservative Kurdistan Democratic Party (PDK) of Iraq and the left-wing Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK), which is affiliated with the Socialist International.

The House held separate roll call votes on the Trade Promotion Authority (TPA) and Trade Adjustment Assistance (TAA) sections of H.R. 1314.

This bill would cede national sovereignty over food-related choices and regulations to the WTO. Moreover, this bill would prevent American consumers from knowing where their food comes from.

Renews the on-again-off-again "fast track authority" that Congress has often awarded to the president over the past several decades.

Foreign aid is unconstitutional but also because this bill would further interject the United States into a foreign conflict. Allowing the U.S. president to provide lethal arms to Ukraine in order to fight Russia is tantamount to waging a proxy war on Russia without the constitutionally required congressional declaration of war. The House, by giving such power to the president, is relinquishing one of its constitutional responsibilities.

Would allow electronic surveillance of communications with suspected terrorists without first obtaining approval from the secret FISA Court.

Would require a complete withdrawal of U.S. troops from Iraq by July 2007.

Would reauthorize the unconstitutional and so-called Patriot Act.

To repeal the rule prohibiting U.S. foreign aid from going to organizations that provide or promote abortions.

Would prohibit funding for any U.S. contribution to the United Nations or any UN-affiliated agency.

Would require both the United States and Russia to reduce their respective nuclear stockpiles to between 1,700 and 2,200 warheads by 2012.

Authorizes the use of U.S. military force against Iraq, including to enforce any related UN Security Council resolutions.

Authorizes the use of U.S. military force against Iraq, including to enforce any related UN Security Council resolutions.

Would create the "USA Patriot Act," giving law enforcement and intelligence agencies vast new powers to combat terrorism.

Would create the "USA Patriot Act," giving law enforcement and intelligence agencies vast new powers to combat terrorism.

Would ban the testing of nuclear weapons by the United States.

Would authorize the President to "deploy United States Armed Forces personnel to Kosovo as part of a NATO peacekeeping operation implementing a Kosovo peace agreement."